Over $8 billion spent (*DFAT’s total resourcing 2025–26, p32) and for an aid program worth over $4 billion, we should push for excellence, not adequacy from Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade…

But in Indonesia, protests escalated after potential corruption reports that 580 MPs had been receiving a 50 million rupiah monthly housing allowance since September 2024, which forced rallies against “corrupt elites” and policies benefiting conglomerates and the military.
But over five days in Jakarta, authorities detained more than 1,240 people, while the city’s governor estimated up to 55 billion rupiah in damage and 700 injuries.
Why does this matter for Australia’s aid settings?
DFAT’s PBS confirms Indonesia remains a priority relationship, including deeper development, trade and security ties under IA‑CEPA and the new Defence Cooperation Agreement.
That alignment is right… but outcomes hinge on governance and public trust.
So where did hundreds of millions of Australian taxpayers funding go in foreign aid to Indonesia?
Did it go directly or indirectly to the ‘corrupt elites’ or positively impact their community?
I was trying to track Australia’s aid to Indonesia, but the PBS presents Program 1.2 totals by category, not by country…
Which means you can see the size of the pool ($2.5106 billion for country and regional programs in 2025–26) but not how much is earmarked for Indonesia in this table…

Of course, I’ll follow up with DFAT’s media team to confirm… but they still haven’t replied to many other media requests (dating back to January, and recently in August), so don’t hold you’re breath…
UNDRIP, self‑determination and DFAT’s First Nations foreign policy: from symbolism to outcomes
UNDRIP is clear: Indigenous peoples have the right to self‑determination – to “freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”.
DFAT says it is deepening Australia’s First Nations international engagement, led by the Ambassador for First Nations People, opening doors for First Nations businesses and organisations.
That’s a promising commitment.
But to make it real, we should match UNDRIP principles to Budget lines and programs: co‑design procurement pathways into the ASEAN–Australia Centre work program (a $33.1 million investment), set targets for Indigenous‑owned exporters in Southeast Asia and publish case studies that show measurable benefits to communities and Country.
And until DFAT stop promoting and starts investing, their foreign aid “outcomes” like what we’re seeing in Indonesia – should be questioned…
Amost $1.4 million to advertise their First Nations Policy?

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